A little R&R.

As mentioned by Eavaan, we had the privilege to attend a countryside work trip, which was absolutely stellar! There was so much packed into this weekend, but I really want to focus on several key aspects: people and food.

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Our accommodations were located at this village resort, which was situated between four other local villages

Its notable features included the swinging bridge, diverse agricultural crops, substance fish pool, and traditional architecture. 

The family who owned the property were extremely kind and welcoming, and the place felt more like a home than a resort. There was this sense of calming and relaxation.  

 

 

 

Our company’s staff mentioned that the area was populated by the Yao Chinese, one of the 55 ethnic minorities in China, and they were tasked by the government to do rural economic development; It’s become trendy for Chinese people to vacation in these secluded villages to “escape their hectic urban lifestyle.”

They had us sample an array of local cuisine, most notably rat, which was absolutely delicious. Our meals were very communal, and really allowed Eavaan and I to bond with our staff and our hosts; at one point we were able to catch our own fish (a difficult feet), and prepare our own bamboo cookware the fire.  

 

I was able to observe the different flavors and cooking styles utilized in our meal, which made me respect and appreciate them sharing their cultural practices with us foreigners. Food is very special to people, places, practices, and time periods. It’s what brings everyone together. The whole experience reminded me of this famous quote:

“If you truly get in touch with a piece of carrot, you get in touch with the soil, the rain, the sunshine. You get in touch with Mother Earth and eating in such a way, you feel in touch with true life, your roots, and that is meditation. If we chew every morsel of our food in that way we become grateful and when you are grateful, you are happy.” – Thich Nhat Hanh

During the nights were willed with relaxation, drinking tea, and playing Mahjong. It was quiet and peaceful, which was a change from the ‘hustle and bustle’ of the 24-hour city. It was probably the most peaceful I had felt in China, so far….

“My weaknesses have always been food and men – in that order.”– Dolly Parton

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A Trip to the Countryside

Early last week, Emma told Hugo and me that we were coming along on a trip to rural Guangdong Province. Dr. Yue wanted us to see a different side of China. I’m glad she did; the four-day trip was a fantastic opportunity to visit places too remote for us to manage on our own.

Travel

We took a taxi from UPDIS to Shenhzen Bei railway station, a bullet train from Shenzhen Bei to Chenzhou West railway station, and a chartered bus from the station to pretty much every other destination for the next few days. The same laconic bus driver stayed with us for the whole trip, and he had a pop song playlist that took a few hours to play through, then started over from the beginning. I know some of those melodies by heart now.

After six weeks living in the noise and concrete of a megacity, our trip to the mountains came as a huge relief. As soon as our train left Shenzhen, we started to see rolling green mountains through the window. The bus took us through a part of the province called Qingyuan that is known for its gorgeous scenery. I loved passing through rural villages and catching glimpses of life on the main street: children and old people sitting in open-front stores, families swimming in the river, chickens wandering wherever they pleased, small dogs nosing through gardens, farmers stooping in fields. They grow lots of different things here: rice, corn, greens, beans, melons, squash, bananas, and other produce I didn’t recognize. When we finally got out of the bus, the first thing that struck me was how nice the air smelled: like hay and insects and soil. The air felt cooler and less humid than in Shenzhen, and instead of construction noise we were surrounded by chirring cicadas.

Our first destination was a newly-built guesthouse in Tianxin Village. I think it’s only a few years old, possibly even a year old, and it is very nice. It has all the comforts you’d expect in a hotel, like hot running water, an electric kettle, a comfortable bed, and air-conditioning. It’s run by the village leader (laoban) and his family, which includes several lively and social little girls.

The laoban cooked dinner on our first night, using a giant wok fitted over a wood-burning oven. The meal included cold beer; chicken; steamed greens with garlic; a spicy dish with tiny fish, beans, and peppers; soup; rice; and rat, which apparently is a rural meat you can’t get in the city.

The guesthouse has a common room with two neat features: an automated mahjongg table, and a tea table with built-in water boiler. These became centers of post-dinner activity the two nights our group spent there. It’s also outfitted with a powerful speaker system that the laoban turned on at 8 AM to start the day off with some nice music, and a TV, which stayed off except when the toddler was watching PAW Patrol dubbed into Chinese.

Tianxin Village

Friday morning the group walked to their first appointment, a meeting with three leaders of Tianxin Village. This is actually a collection of four villages; our meeting was held in the biggest one. Emma and the village leaders held an hourlong conversation, with occasional input from other UPDIS staff. Hugo and I couldn’t follow the conversation, but Dr. Yue sent us occasional WeChat messages summarizing the content. After this meeting, UPDIS staff toured all four villages, with Hugo and me trailing along admiring the views and asking occasional questions.

Tianxin wants to develop its tourism potential. Hotels in the countryside are very popular with urban Chinese tourists right now, so Tianxin has an opportunity to capitalize on its clean water, fresh air, and tasty, natural foods. It’s apparently doing some beautification work at the moment, although I didn’t catch what that work entails exactly.

Emma suggested they work on identifying more special things in Tianxin – maybe its healthy frog population. Nature education is popular in Chinese cities, but lacking in villages. Taiwan has some instructive case studies. It may also be helpful that residents are members of the Yao ethnic minority. There are food specialities, dance traditions, and other cultural features that could potentially draw tourists.

And then there are other industries that could provide a future for Tianxin. This region has lost many of its men to jobs in the city, so they’re looking at building up the bamboo industry and planting tea as two ways to attract workers back to the countryside.

Dr. Yue said that Tianxin needs considerable engineering work to fulfill its ambitions, and it needs an implementation plan. I have no idea how all this work will happen, who will do it, and how they will be paid. I know that UPDIS will be paying another visit next year and that they’ve made progress since Emma’s last visit – the group admired a paved common area, a brick path through the fields and forest, and other new construction.

Daying Village

Friday afternoon, we visited a much larger village called Daying. According to its informational signboard, it has a population of about 1,138 people – making it ten times the size of a village in Tianxin. It’s also a little less remote. It is a government-designated administrative center, so it houses the school, healthcare facilities, and other services. When we visited, the ground floor of the school was busy with preparations for an upcoming local festival.

I did not get any information on what UPDIS had done in this village or what they were learning about it now. So I have no sense of its future, but I did learn a little about its past. Some of the stone houses in this village are hundreds of years old. The ancestral temple is particularly ancient, and looks it. Another house, I’m told, is so nice it has to have belonged to the local lord/landowner. The streets in this part of the village are too narrow for cars, but a perfect width for people and bikes. I imagine that it would be mildly interesting for tourists interested in local history, but it’s hard to see it turning into a major tourist attraction.

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That evening, everyone participated in supplying dinner. The laoban and his wife showed us how to make bamboo rice, a dish that is popular with the Yao ethnic minority. You stuff rice and raw meat into a hollow bamboo joint, pour in water and seal the container, then place it in a fire until the bamboo is blackened and the food inside is cooked.

While the bamboo rice did its thing in the fire, we went down to the fishing pond to catch another dish for dinner. They trap fish in a little side pond so that they’re easy to catch with a pole and net – at least, easy if you know what you’re doing. We actually found it quite difficult! Emma caught the first fish, but the laoban’s wife had to catch the second one after maybe an hour of attempts.

This was a taste of the kind of fun that urban tourists could have here, I think. While stuffing the bamboo, Hugo asked one of the UPDIS staff whether children learn food traditions; she said that country children do, but city children do not. I could see this being a popular destination for urban parents who want their kids to experience a little culture.

It is also a good place to relax and have the long, slow conversations that you’re too busy to have in Shenzhen. That’s what the UPDIS staff told me: back in the office, they’re always too busy to talk, but on trips like this they get to experience rural time. I brought this up afterward with some of the interns, and they agreed: small towns and even other cities may have a center where people gather to drink tea and talk and play mahjongg, but Shenzhen just has shopping malls and Starbucks. The parks also serve a social purpose, but they’re considered old-fashioned by young people. Then again, it’s possible such a space would be underused if it did exist here, since work is such a big part of people’s lives.

Tourism

We spent Saturday and Sunday checking out existing tourist destinations. I think it was just a break for the UPDIS staff, but for Hugo and me it was an opportunity to find out what they meant when they talked about using ecological and cultural resources as tourist attractions.

Our first stop was a boat tour of the Lianzhou Underground River, which runs through the biggest karst cave system in China. I have never been inside a cave before, so I really enjoyed getting to admire the diverse and inhuman shapes of the stalactites created by water trickling through limestone. The setup was too artificial and irreverent for my taste: rainbow-colored lights, fake flowers, signs describing what various parts of the cave resembled. It was also teeming with tourists led by loudspeaker-toting guides.

That afternoon, we visited the Yao Millennium Village, an ancient village of the Yao minority that became a tourist attraction some time ago. It was so popular on a summer Saturday that people were parking along the road and walking uphill to the gate.

This village is a dense, steep cluster of stone houses terraced into a hill and surrounded by farm fields. The views are absolutely spectacular. It’s hard to imagine living in this landscape without loving it.

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But I wonder if you can really love living in a village that crawls with tourists. I didn’t see anything that looked like normal life – just souvenir shops, casual eateries, and people urging us to buy five-yuan bundles of incense for the temple. One old woman wouldn’t take no for an answer: she kept pushing her bundles at us until we walked away.

I wonder the same thing about the big open areas for dance performances and other communal events. Do villagers use them when tourists aren’t around? Do they dance for each other, or is just a tourist thing? Can you say that an authentic Yao community has been successfully preserved through tourism if it exists for the purpose of tourism?

The third, final tourism experience we tried out was a hot spring resort called Jiulong Town. As I said to Hugo, this is why we travel – because while I could have imagined various versions of a Chinese hot spring resort in my head, the reality of Jiulong Town definitely wouldn’t have occurred to me.

There are three sorts of accommodation: 1. Squirrel Wood Houses, which on the outside resemble suburban American houses right down to the house numbers, and on the inside are kind of like American vacation cabins. 2. Container Houses, which are literally shipping containers on stilts on a slope.

And 3. Boat Houses, which are indeed boathouse-shaped and sit directly on a giant lotus pond. Hugo and I had imagined a communal hot spring, but what actually happens is that each house has an outdoor hot tub, and the staff will pipe spring water to your tub on request. The whole setup feels remarkably private, especially for China, and it is quite relaxing. I woke up at 6 AM and spent a delicious hour doing nothing but sitting in my boathouse, drinking tea and writing postcards.

The daytime activities: You can wander around shaded or unshaded walking paths admiring the lotus pond and the surrounding karst landscape. You can practice archery and take a paddleboat around a tiny lake. People who enjoy heart attacks can do a short but steep hike that culminates in a glass platform below their feet. There are giant drums near the entrance that are surprisingly satisfying to play. There are playgrounds for the kids. There are fields of agricultural produce. There are bike rentals. There’s a restaurant with a summer camp cafeteria feel to it, and a line of snack and traditional medicine vendors outside. And finally, and this really is the weirdest thing for me personally, there is a stunt performance by two acrobats on a cable strung between two hills. It looked very dangerous. Riveting, but dangerous.

I tried to imagine how this resort was developed, and I’m guessing it went something like this: We have a natural resource (hot springs). We have a struggling agricultural industry, and a burgeoning tourist industry. So we build a resort around the hot springs that draws on our existing resources, i.e. farm fields, fresh air, and nature views, but we also need to entertain people, but also we have limited space… so this is what we got!

None of these three tourist destinations are something I can imagine Tianxin or Daying turning into. There may be better existing models for them somewhere else (Taiwan??), or maybe they’ll have to innovate. I hope they’re successful, and I hope they manage to keep the best of the lifestyle they have now.

Shenzhen’s Urban Villages: A Case of Complex Development

Introduction:

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Hugo Agosto & Eavaan Moore (2019)

Since starting this journey, I’ve had the opportunity to explore the intricate phenomenon of Chinese “Urban Villages,” which function as epicenters of community, affordable housing, and defining neighborhood character. The goal of this post is to draw from my own observations and various academic literature to merely introduce their complexities. This isn’t meant to be encapsulating of all the social, political, and economic implications tied to these spaces, nor really discuss solutions or reform. As an outsider, I would need to obtain much more quantitative and qualitative data and research.

 

 

Background

Though the population of China surpassed the United States in the mid-1970’s, it wasn’t until the “open door policy” and other economic reforms of the early 1980s that China experienced exponential economic growth and subsequently rapid urbanisation. This period has been referred to as the “revival phase” (1979-1996) where Deng Xiaoping, China’s paramount leader from 1978-1992, began a series of economic reforms aimed to foster economic prosperity and pushing the modernization of the Chinese economy. A component of these reforms was the introduction of the Special Economic Zones (SEZ’s) in 1979, which included the city of Shenzhen (Ruibo-Linna, 2013).  

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Shenzhen Urbanization (1984-2014)

Urban Village

This rapid urbanization of Shenzhen, commonly referred to as the “Silicon Valley of China,” required the government convert rural land for more development. Through land requisitions, to “avoid costly and time-consuming programs requiring the compensation and relocation of indigenous villagers” (Hao, 2011), the city expanded. Urban Villages lost their ample farmland, and the villagers were required to seek other economic ventures.  

Simultaneously, many rural Chinese decided to migrate to these urban spaces seeking economic opportunity, which created pressure for the market to increase its supply of affordable workforce housing. Many urban villagers were able to fill this demand by becoming landlords, and “in order to maximize income, indigenous villagers have built high-density housing” (Hao, 2011).  

More specifically, “the creation and prevalence of Urban Villages as a migrant housing market occur[ed] in the presence of four conditions” (Hao, 2011):  

  1. Indigenous residents of urban villagers had the legal right to cost-free land for their housing. 
  2. The governance of the urban villages laid outside the urban administration system and urban planning development control regulations, which gave rise to loopholes in how the land could be developed. 
  1. Limited government jurisdiction also resulted in a weak enforcement of room renting regulations. 
  1. Without a local hukou, a controversial classification system, rural migrants were excluded from more prestigious amenities or desirable jobs. For example, urban residents received priority over migrants when it came to employment opportunities, and when migrant workers did find jobs, they tended to be positions with little potential for growth (Li, 2013).

What emerged from this was communities that were major hubs of social, economic, and political activity. Though  they’ve been difficult to define, due to their divisive and complex nature, the book Urban Villages in the New China: Case of Shenzhen defines spaces by following: 

“The definition of urban villages in Shenzhen or in China in general cannot be fitted neatly into written words, much like their existence cannot be neatly fitted into cities. Urban villages in Shenzhen are actually clumsy combinations of memories, senses, and experiences…The villages represent completely different concepts to different people living within or beyond the borders of the urban village. Some live in the villages out of necessity but would rather live elsewhere if they could afford it. Some rather enjoy their lives in the villages and would even miss them were they to leave for somewhere else. Some people are born in urban villages. As for those who live outside the villages, the concepts of urban villages tend to be much simpler” (Wang, 2016). 

However defined, these spaces have acted as a source of affordable housing and community for low-income workers, but attached to the urban villagers is a negative connotation. 

Additionally, “aside from the loose association between migrants and crime, the original villagers of the urban villages are also stigmatized and despised by many outside the village” (Wang, 2016).  

Anecdotally, this appears to be a result of continued disinvestment by landowners and the government (though their power within these jurisdiction is hazy). Since these spaces have largely experienced urban decay, there’s been a push towards “slum upgrading,” which focuses on “ people obtain[ing] an improved, healthy and secure living environment without being displaced” (MIT, 2010). In the case of Shenzhen, displacement appears to have inadvertently occurred. Though, something that I would like to echo is the following quote:

Slums and ghettos are largely in the eyes of the beholder. American scholar Herbert Gans, in his study of the urban villages of Boston, argued that ‘residential structures—and districts—should be defined as slums only if they have been proven to be physically, socially, or emotionally harmful to their residents or to the larger community” (Wang 2016).  

Urban Renewal

67333957_718332495276019_513056632603672576_nIn the United States, many urban renewal efforts have been criticized for their lack of equity and their disruption of communities. In Shenzhen this appears to be equally true, because there’s not a clear answer to what happens to low-income residents after redevelopment. I’ve heard from several people that they have the “chance to stay, if they want,” but I don’t really understand the details. I do know that tenants don’t really have rights or protections here, which leaves them extremely vulnerable. 

Based on my research, I’ve noticed that China is taking the more neoliberal route, with “the urban renewal process can be state- or privately driven” (Wang, 2016); developers are more readily able to make large-scale investments into a project. 

For urban villagers, these urban renewal projects present both danger and opportunity. Developers “often bring with them a one-time large sum to pay off the villagers to leave their land and buildings, which presents a once-in-a-lifetime financial opportunity for them” (Wang, 2016). 

How the government benefits is by ensuring that development continues, and from what I’ve heard, regains regulatory control of these spaces.  

Urban Village: Hubei

Throughout this narrative, I’ve mentioned four major stakeholders involved with these urban villages: villagers, tenants, developers, and the government. Focusing on my personal experiences, I would like to particularly reflect on the Urban Village of Hubei, which I visited late July.

Hubei, located in the Luohu District, has already begun the redevelopment process. Walking through the narrow streets, you could also see a decommissioned institutional building being converted for residential uses, exposed sewage, dilapidated roofs, and visibly deteriorated foundations.  

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Conversely, you could still see an active community, where there was a local market and heavily utilized streets. The area was robust was still robust with life. It was superficially unclear what made these individuals decided to remain, and I didn’t want to make my own assumptions considering the complexities associated with these spaces… instead I looked towards the internet for more insight. 

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What I discovered was the site has been rather controversial, with a local blog stating that “the demolitions have incited architects, urban planners, and public intellectuals to submit detailed counter proposals and cultural events to protect the area” (shenzhennoted.com, 2016). It appeared that the section surrounding the temple will be protected, but to what extent is still unclear. Personally, I found it perplexing that the decision was based on preservation (also important), and not the tenants who lived within the village. Being an outsider I find it hard to really insert my thoughts regarding the situation, but as the article titled The last days of Shenzhen’s great urban village states about perception towards urban renewal efforts in urban villages, Duan Peng, a local architect, stated

“During past urban village redevelopments, they’ve paid attention to the interests of the developer, of the government, of the original residents, but no one has ever paid attention to the interests of the renters,” Duan says. “And to some extent, these renters are the real owners of the urban villages. They have made huge contributions to Shenzhen and the urban villages, but if the government says raze, then the village is razed, and if the government says get out, then the people have to get out.”

References:  

Has, P., Sliuzas, R., & Geertman, S. (2011). The development and redevelopment of urban villages in Shenzhen. Habitat International,35(2), 214-224. Retrieved from https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0197397510000603.

Li, C. (2013). Institutional and non-institutional paths: Migrants and non-migrants’ different processes of socioeconomic status attainment in China. In China’s Internal and International Migration (pp. 29-39). New York, New York: Routledge

MacKinnon, E. (2016, September 29). The last days of Shenzhen’s great urban village. Retrieved from https://www.scmp.com/magazines/post-magazine/long-reads/article/2023255/last-days-shenzhens-great-urban-village

O’Donnell, M. A. (2016, July 17). Shenzhen Noted. Retrieved July 31, 2019, from https://shenzhennoted.com/2016/07/17/hubei-shenzhen-identity-comes-of-age/#more-13768

WANG, D. W. (2017). Urban Villages in the New China: Case of shenzhen. S.l.: Palgrave Macmillan.

Wang, L., & Hann, R. (2013). Challenges and Opportunities Facing China’s Urban Development in the New Era. China Perspectives [Online],15-27. Retrieved from http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/6149

What is Urban Upgrading. (MIT,n.d.). Retrieved from http://web.mit.edu/urbanupgrading/upgrading/whatis/what-is.html

Further Research:

Wu, W., & Wang, J. (2016). Gentrification effects of China’s urban village renewals. Urban Studies,54(1), 214-229. doi:10.1177/0042098016631905

 

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