Shenzhen’s Urban Villages: A Case of Complex Development

Introduction:

Hugo Agosto & Eavaan Moore (2019)

Since starting this journey, I’ve had the opportunity to explore the intricate phenomenon of Chinese “Urban Villages,” which function as epicenters of community, affordable housing, and defining neighborhood character. The goal of this post is to draw from my own observations and various academic literature to merely introduce their complexities. This isn’t meant to be encapsulating of all the social, political, and economic implications tied to these spaces, nor really discuss solutions or reform. As an outsider, I would need to obtain much more quantitative and qualitative data and research.

 

 

Background

Though the population of China surpassed the United States in the mid-1970’s, it wasn’t until the “open door policy” and other economic reforms of the early 1980s that China experienced exponential economic growth and subsequently rapid urbanisation. This period has been referred to as the “revival phase” (1979-1996) where Deng Xiaoping, China’s paramount leader from 1978-1992, began a series of economic reforms aimed to foster economic prosperity and pushing the modernization of the Chinese economy. A component of these reforms was the introduction of the Special Economic Zones (SEZ’s) in 1979, which included the city of Shenzhen (Ruibo-Linna, 2013).  

Shenzhen Urbanization (1984-2014)

Urban Village

This rapid urbanization of Shenzhen, commonly referred to as the “Silicon Valley of China,” required the government convert rural land for more development. Through land requisitions, to “avoid costly and time-consuming programs requiring the compensation and relocation of indigenous villagers” (Hao, 2011), the city expanded. Urban Villages lost their ample farmland, and the villagers were required to seek other economic ventures.  

Simultaneously, many rural Chinese decided to migrate to these urban spaces seeking economic opportunity, which created pressure for the market to increase its supply of affordable workforce housing. Many urban villagers were able to fill this demand by becoming landlords, and “in order to maximize income, indigenous villagers have built high-density housing” (Hao, 2011).  

Hubei Temple

Hubei Original Villagers

More specifically, “the creation and prevalence of Urban Villages as a migrant housing market occur[ed] in the presence of four conditions” (Hao, 2011):  

1. Indigenous residents of urban villagers had the legal right to cost-free land for their housing. 
2. The governance of the urban villages laid outside the urban administration system and urban planning development control regulations, which gave rise to loopholes in how the land could be developed. 

3. Limited government jurisdiction also resulted in a weak enforcement of room renting regulations. 

4. Without a local hukou, a controversial classification system, rural migrants were excluded from more prestigious amenities or desirable jobs. For example, urban residents received priority over migrants when it came to employment opportunities, and when migrant workers did find jobs, they tended to be positions with little potential for growth (Li, 2013).

What emerged from this was communities that were major hubs of social, economic, and political activity. Though  they’ve been difficult to define, due to their divisive and complex nature, the book Urban Villages in the New China: Case of Shenzhen defines spaces by following: 

“The definition of urban villages in Shenzhen or in China in general cannot be fitted neatly into written words, much like their existence cannot be neatly fitted into cities. Urban villages in Shenzhen are actually clumsy combinations of memories, senses, and experiences…The villages represent completely different concepts to different people living within or beyond the borders of the urban village. Some live in the villages out of necessity but would rather live elsewhere if they could afford it. Some rather enjoy their lives in the villages and would even miss them were they to leave for somewhere else. Some people are born in urban villages. As for those who live outside the villages, the concepts of urban villages tend to be much simpler” (Wang, 2016). 

However defined, these spaces have acted as a source of affordable housing and community for low-income workers, but attached to the urban villagers is a negative connotation. 

Additionally, “aside from the loose association between migrants and crime, the original villagers of the urban villages are also stigmatized and despised by many outside the village” (Wang, 2016).  

Anecdotally, this appears to be a result of continued disinvestment by landowners and the government (though their power within these jurisdiction is hazy). Since these spaces have largely experienced urban decay, there’s been a push towards “slum upgrading,” which focuses on “ people obtain[ing] an improved, healthy and secure living environment without being displaced” (MIT, 2010). In the case of Shenzhen, displacement appears to have inadvertently occurred. Though, something that I would like to echo is the following quote:

“Slums and ghettos are largely in the eyes of the beholder. American scholar Herbert Gans, in his study of the urban villages of Boston, argued that ‘residential structures—and districts—should be defined as slums only if they have been proven to be physically, socially, or emotionally harmful to their residents or to the larger community” (Wang 2016).  

Urban Renewal

In the United States, many urban renewal efforts have been criticized for their lack of equity and their disruption of communities. In Shenzhen this appears to be equally true, because there’s not a clear answer to what happens to low-income residents after redevelopment. I’ve heard from several people that they have the “chance to stay, if they want,” but I don’t really understand the details. I do know that tenants don’t really have rights or protections here, which leaves them extremely vulnerable. 

Based on my research, I’ve noticed that China is taking the more neoliberal route, with “the urban renewal process can be state- or privately driven” (Wang, 2016); developers are more readily able to make large-scale investments into a project. 

For urban villagers, these urban renewal projects present both danger and opportunity. Developers “often bring with them a one-time large sum to pay off the villagers to leave their land and buildings, which presents a once-in-a-lifetime financial opportunity for them” (Wang, 2016). 

How the government benefits is by ensuring that development continues, and from what I’ve heard, regains regulatory control of these spaces.  

Urban Village: Hubei

Throughout this narrative, I’ve mentioned four major stakeholders involved with these urban villages: villagers, tenants, developers, and the government. Focusing on my personal experiences, I would like to particularly reflect on the Urban Village of Hubei, which I visited late July.

Hubei, located in the Luohu District, has already begun the redevelopment process. Walking through the narrow streets, you could also see a decommissioned institutional building being converted for residential uses, exposed sewage, dilapidated roofs, and visibly deteriorated foundations.  

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Conversely, you could still see an active community, where there was a local market and heavily utilized streets. The area was robust was still robust with life. It was superficially unclear what made these individuals decided to remain, and I didn’t want to make my own assumptions considering the complexities associated with these spaces… instead I looked towards the internet for more insight. 

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What I discovered was the site has been rather controversial, with a local blog stating that “the demolitions have incited architects, urban planners, and public intellectuals to submit detailed counter proposals and cultural events to protect the area” (shenzhennoted.com, 2016). It appeared that the section surrounding the temple will be protected, but to what extent is still unclear. Personally, I found it perplexing that the decision was based on preservation (also important), and not the tenants who lived within the village. Being an outsider I find it hard to really insert my thoughts regarding the situation, but as the article titled The last days of Shenzhen’s great urban village states about perception towards urban renewal efforts in urban villages, Duan Peng, a local architect, stated

“During past urban village redevelopments, they’ve paid attention to the interests of the developer, of the government, of the original residents, but no one has ever paid attention to the interests of the renters,” Duan says. “And to some extent, these renters are the real owners of the urban villages. They have made huge contributions to Shenzhen and the urban villages, but if the government says raze, then the village is razed, and if the government says get out, then the people have to get out.”

References:  

Has, P., Sliuzas, R., & Geertman, S. (2011). The development and redevelopment of urban villages in Shenzhen. Habitat International,35(2), 214-224. Retrieved from https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0197397510000603.

Li, C. (2013). Institutional and non-institutional paths: Migrants and non-migrants’ different processes of socioeconomic status attainment in China. In China’s Internal and International Migration (pp. 29-39). New York, New York: Routledge

MacKinnon, E. (2016, September 29). The last days of Shenzhen’s great urban village. Retrieved from https://www.scmp.com/magazines/post-magazine/long-reads/article/2023255/last-days-shenzhens-great-urban-village

O’Donnell, M. A. (2016, July 17). Shenzhen Noted. Retrieved July 31, 2019, from https://shenzhennoted.com/2016/07/17/hubei-shenzhen-identity-comes-of-age/#more-13768

WANG, D. W. (2017). Urban Villages in the New China: Case of shenzhen. S.l.: Palgrave Macmillan.

Wang, L., & Hann, R. (2013). Challenges and Opportunities Facing China’s Urban Development in the New Era. China Perspectives [Online],15-27. Retrieved from http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/6149

What is Urban Upgrading. (MIT,n.d.). Retrieved from http://web.mit.edu/urbanupgrading/upgrading/whatis/what-is.html

Further Research:

Wu, W., & Wang, J. (2016). Gentrification effects of China’s urban village renewals. Urban Studies,54(1), 214-229. doi:10.1177/0042098016631905

 

Urban Villages in Shenzhen: Part 1

I am constantly reminded by the value of the exchange of varied cultural experiences, as well as in the purpose of this trip – to exchange ‘planning’ expertise.  In this short month, I am already sensing a shift in my own ideas of planning and the myriad ways humans encounter one another in a city.  The Chinese Academy of Urban Planning and Design (CAUPD) and their planners are consummate professionals – who all voice a pride in their country and their work.  That said, I was unclear how my style of community development, or what they call “social planning,” would go-over a midst their meticulous detail and care with physical planning.  I am learning first hand that there can be an essential nexus of these two, all too often disparate camps, to make cities work well.  Planning is more like an analog clock, maintenance and a little tinkering is required, and ofttimes this becomes an art unto itself.

Again, since few formal social planning projects are conducted at CAUPD – my manager had a hard time placing me at first.  Fortunately for me, the national office has contracted with Chongqing, Shanghai, and Shenzhen branches to delve deeper into the question of the growing inequality between people in China.  In Shenzhen, they are taking a closer look at the experiences of the residents of “urban villages” and the dynamics these communities present in terms of livability and affordability.

What is an Urban Village?  

Urban villages were once rural villages that were slowly annexed as Shenzhen grew.  Much of what is now Shenzhen was mountainous forestland and fertile farmland along the coast of southern China. Shenzhen is a unique city, particularly because of its nascent 33 year urban development history.  While other Chinese cities boast hundreds if not a thousand years of evolution and growth, the Shenzhen municipality recently formed in 1979, and did not break ground until 1980.  At formation, economic policies were also loosened, designating the municipality as a Special Economic Zone (SEZ), further jump starting development and investment.  In these hyper-rapid conditions, Shenzhen teams with constant construction and demolition, to accommodate an estimated 15 million people.  Walking the streets you get the sense, and many planners agree, “Shenzhen is a migrant city of a lot of young people in their 20s and 30s.”  Young people come from all over China seeking work after receiving their newly minted undergrad/grad degrees.  Rural migrants also come seeking income mobility in the hopes that cities can bring increased wages.

Streetlife on a Saturday night in Gangsha Village.

Naturally, young and single, family or no, we all need a place to live.  CAUPD estimates that 60 percent of Shenzhen lives in areas that are designated urban villages.  Common knowledge around the city says that this is where the cheapest rents can be found, in a city where the mean sales price of an apartment is almost $3,500 USD per square meter.  Local human resources officials report the average monthly salary is about $670 per month.  To provide some perspective, average costs per square meter in Manhattan are $14,391 and in Portland $2,215 (source: trulia, July 2013).  Not to worry, I’m still digging up rental data here, which is hard to find because of the informal nature of rental transactions, and of course my language barrier.  Moreover, planners suspect that there may be marked inequality of income, educational attainment, as well as basic services for those who are residents of the urban villages.

What was previously rural land became “urban” overnight, in terms of zoning designation in the new Shenzhen Municipality.  This is significant in many ways.  In simple terms rural land is for food production, and urban land is for concentrated urban uses such as housing, industry, and commercial activities.  The local, provincial, or national government owns and dictates the use, leasing, and development of all urban and suburban property.  However, Chinese law set aside property rights to rural residents in the form of rural “communes” which granted collective ownership to groups of villagers.  Worker communes are a concept and term that was a holdover from Maoist reforms, years earlier – more on this historical policy framework in a later post.   This arrangement with the “villagers” is important in that they are not subject to government regulations on development or design standards.

Left: Planned Chegongmiao Area in Futian
Right: Xiasha Village, Futian District

Essentially they get to develop independently of Shenzhen, and so they have.  They have built quickly and densely.  These buildings rent commercial, office space, and housing, which have made many urban villagers very wealthy people.  In effect the urban villagers have become influential developers in their own right.  In some cases, urban villagers no longer live in the communities they own, opting instead for high-end housing in other locations around the city.  The government has voiced several concerns about this type of tight and “informal” development in the urban villages, namely that the design and urban form is not consistent with that of the rest of the “planned” city – often chaotic and some say “unsightly.”    For the purposes of the study on inequality in China, CAUPD is concerned about basic infrastructural services like water, sanitation and waste management, electricity, fire protection, and access to public transit and healthcare facilities.  Since many of the village structures were informally erected to maximize the best possible rent value of the land, CAUPD would like to know what types of basic services might be deficient, or alternatively offered by the village communes themselves, and how might the government be able to improve these inequities of service?

Another unique feature is that urban villages are scattered throughout Shenzhen.  The Futian District contains several business districts strung along the southern edge of the city, kind of like the city’s central waistband of commercial and financial activity which also borders Hong Kong.  All subway lines criss-cross to transfer and many of the skyscrapers that make up the impressive skyline are found in Futian.  High-rise housing also dominates – many are high end and planned-gated buildings with recreation and garden amenities included on their grounds. The map below gives you a sense of how co-mingled urban villages are with the rest of the city.  There are also tens of dozens of villages in other districts across the city, not shown here.  Don’t fret, some of these outlying villages will also be included in the study.

Urban Villages Located in the Futian District

In the coming weeks I will be observing CAUPD planners as they survey hundreds of urban village residents about their experiences of basic services, as well as their conceptions of community and livability in their neighborhoods.  They will also begin to develop a basic services analysis based on available data, in order to make sense of what life is like in the busiest parts of this massive metropolis.  Planners hope to emerge some indicators about their quality of life, particularly for those who they are calling “vulnerable” populations in urban areas. As an interesting comparison, planners have assigned me and my colleague Jason P. McNeil, to provide cases of US experiences with studies of inequality and quality of life such as this.   In this short process, I hope to scratch the surface of conditions I witness in Shenzhen, and gain a greater understanding of inequality on a global scale.

Out of my own curiosity, what do you as a reader want to know about urban villages?  Shenzhen?  Anything come to mind?  Leave a quick comment, and I will try to dig up the dirt if possible, providing insights as best I can, in this series of posts about urban villages.

(images pphan, 2013, basemap courtesy of CAUPD, Shenzhen, 2012)